NAFTA
Negotiations From The Other Side:
What
Mexico And Canada Can Do
NOV 28, 2017
Phil Levy , FORBES CONTRIBUTORI write about international
economic policy, with a focus on trade Opinions expressed by
Forbes Contributors are their own.
While Americans were preparing to roast turkeys
earlier this month, the fifth round of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) renegotiations concluded in Mexico City. The talks didn’t go so well. While we await the
sixth round in Montreal in January, it's worth thinking about why the process
is not working well.
Canadian,
Mexican, and American flags stand on display during the fifth round of North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) negotiations in Mexico City, Mexico, on
Tuesday, Nov. 21, 2017. Photographer: Alejandro
Cegarra/Bloomberg
There are certainly good ideas around about how the
United States could constructively change its approach to the renegotiation
talks, but President Trump and his top trade officials seem fairly set in their
current, blustering approach. In a world of negotiations that traditionally
relies heavily on precedent, the Trump approach has featured radical
departures, such as ideas for automatically terminating NAFTA, or
for dictating the share of U.S. content that must
be in North American cars.
Instead of rehashing the deficiencies of such
proposals, what if we take the Trump administration at its word and consider
its strategy as set for the time being. What, then, are the options open to the
Canadians and the Mexicans at the negotiating table?
Here are four broad approaches they might take,
along with some of the pros and cons for each:
1.
Just
say yes
As problematic as the Trump
administration NAFTA proposals may be from an economic standpoint, the demise
of NAFTA could be damaging to the Mexican and
Canadian economies. Might it not be better to give in to U.S. demands? This
need not mean complete capitulation; there could be haggling about the details.
The advantage, of course, would be that the
negotiators would strike a deal, thereby alleviating the threat of termination.
But the disadvantages loom larger. The Trump administration would not be able
to get its most controversial proposals through Congress, since the radical
ideas do not have the requisite domestic support. Without Congress, there
would be no new agreement.
Could that actually be a good thing for the
Mexicans and Canadians? What harm would there be in agreeing to wild proposals
if those proposals never come into force?
There would be two types of harm. First, Mexico and
Canada have their own domestic politics. Even if they do not expect the
objectionable agreements to come into force, they could still face strong
pushback at home for having conceded the points. Second, there would be the
concern that empty concessions made in these talks might set a precedent and be
taken as a starting point in later negotiations.
Thus, there is no easy way to just say yes.
2.
Just
say no
If the Trump proposals are misguided and damaging,
then, why not just say no and walk away from the talks? This one is easier to
answer. Both Mexico and Canada suspect such a move would give the Trump
administration an excuse to terminate NAFTA. That’s
a highly undesirable outcome from their perspective.
3.
Team
up
From a U.S. perspective, dividing and conquering
might be a fruitful strategy. But that’s exactly the threat that concerns the
Canadians and Mexicans.
It is not entirely obvious that
their interests align. In each case, their trade with the United States dwarfs
their trade with each other. Further, were NAFTA to end, Canada has an earlier
free trade agreement with the United States to fall back on; Mexico does not.
Yet, to date, the Trump administration’s threatening approach has largely
induced the two countries to stick together.
4.
Agree where they can, but
otherwise play for time
If Mexico and Canada can say neither ‘yes’ nor
‘no,’ they are left trying to hold on and hope things change for the better.
That is what happened in the last round. Some details were worked out on issues such as digital
trade and customs procedures. But the big divisive questions remained
unresolved.
There is a twist on this strategy in which the
Canadians or Mexicans table their own bold, difficult proposals.
That puts the United States in the position of saying no as well, perhaps
alleviating some pressure on the neighbors.
The problem with this general approach is that it
threatens to test the patience of the Trump administration. U.S. Trade
Representative Robert Lighthizer, after the latest disappointing round, said, “thus far, we have seen
no evidence that Canada or Mexico are willing to seriously engage on provisions
that will lead to a rebalanced agreement.” There was no need for Lighthizer to
repeat explicitly the threat that failed talks could induce the President to
carry out his oft-repeated threat to end NAFTA.
Furthermore, a little bit of temporizing could lead to a long delay, as the
Mexican elections approaching in summer 2018 will require at least a pause in
high-level negotiations.
There are no easy answers for the Canadians and the
Mexicans, and that highlights a key failing of the Trump administration’s trade
approach. Ideally, a negotiator maneuvers a counterpart into a position where
they have little choice but to concede. The Trump administration has maneuvered
its NAFTA partners into an apparent dead end.
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